There is bravery and a surprising dose of optimism in the voice of Vladyslav Starodubtsev, Ukrainian historian and socialist activist, when he speaks to us from Kyiv. The city, he says, has been hit badly by Russian missile and drone attacks, but the worst predictions on the infrastructure destruction did not become reality. The people survived the winter and life looks almost normal in the streets of the Ukrainian capital. This is, however, quite an exceptional case: as Starodubtsev says, cities located closer to the frontline have suffered badly, and there is a lack of housing for those who had to escape from them. Nevertheless, the mood among Ukrainians remains high. As the polls show, hardly anyone could consider giving territory off to Putin in exchange for immediate peace.
Before the war, Yuriy Samoylov led the organisation of Independent Miners’ Union in Kryvyi Rih, a huge industrial hub in South-Eastern Ukraine. His trade union was known for its militant attitude. The city’s mines and metallurgical plants belong either to oligarchs, or to multinationals like Arcelor Mittal. Yet, Samoylov had no fear and whenever the workers were unhappy with their wages, he led them to strike and protests. Now, with the same engagement and bravery, he supports the workers who were enlisted in the army.
Yuriy Samoylov (right) speaks about his labour union activities in Ukraine during a meeting in Warsaw, 21 February
In October 2022, about eight months after the war in Ukraine started, the University of Cambridge harmonized surveys conducted in 137 countries about their attitudes towards the West and towards Russia and China. The findings in the study, while not free of a margin of error, are robust enough to take seriously. For the 6.3 billion people who live outside of the West, 66 percent feel positively towards Russia and 70 percent feel positively towards China. Among the 66 percent who feel positively about Russia the breakdown is 75 percent in South Asia, 68 percent in Francophone Africa, and 62 percent in Southeast Asia. Why does the global South refuse to see the war in Ukraine as Russia’s aggresion? Krishen Mehta names five reasons, historical and economical, that explain the South’s unwillingness to side with the West.
Divisions over the assessment of war happen even in the societies which have a reputation of being staunchly pro-Western and pro-NATO. Vladimir Mitev points out the Romanian case. “Romania has for years had disputes with Ukraine over the Romanian minority on its territory, which is perceived in Bucharest as being deprived of sufficient rights. Just a few days ago, a scandal also broke out over Ukraine’s actions to deepen one of the canals of the Danube Delta – called Bistroе. Ukraine wants to make this canal navigable so that it can export grain along it. Romania has opposed such a move for years, citing environmental and other reasons. A number of Romanian foreign policy analysts point out that there are anti-Ukrainian tendencies in Romania”.
The biggest political force in Romanian that positions itself as ‘alternative’ to the current course of the country is AUR. We asked political scientist Sergiu Miscoiu to explain why and how this party manages to appeal to both conservative Orthodox Christians of Romania and to people of different denominations, and how the conservative stances on family life are mixed with social demands. Poland’s Prawo i Sprawiedliwość was able to win elections on a similar platform. Could AUR be next?
While Romania’s neighbour Bulgaria approaches next elections in a row, the Bulgarian Socialist Party takes a conservative turn by demanding a national referendum for and against ‘gender ideology’ in schools. A formally left-wing party follows the example of Orban’s Hungary. As Stanislav Dodov puts it, the socialist essence of the party is definitely lost and it is time to abandon any illusions that the party could revive it and stand in defence of the Bulgarian working class.
The social voice in Bulgaria comes from somewhere else - from the social feminists’ circles. Vladimir Mitev interviews Lea Vajsova, a sociologist and activist, who explains how groups like LevFem were born, what they fight for, and how they identify the fall of the Bulgarian socialist welfare state as the black moment for women rights.
When some people ask about “French identity”, it is essential to remember the commitment of these foreigners - PCF senator Pierre Ouzoulias wrote of the FTP-MOI armed group. Composed of migrant workers, former Republican fighters of the Spanish civil war and survivors of Armenian genocide, this resistance group waged a partisan war against Nazi occupants of France between 1941 and 1944. Traced and ultimately destroyed by French Vichy collaborationist police, the FTP-MOI showed a crystal clear example of antifascism and internationalism that knows no borders and national divisions.
Could the Ukraine war lead to huge shifts in inter-EU balance of powers? We asked Romanian analyst Ovidiu Vaida to comment on Poland’s seemingly rising position in the EU - is this a temporary phenomenon related strictly to the war in Ukraine, or a tendency for a longer time? Vaida explains why Central Europeans should not expect that France and Germany stop being key players on the continent.
One year of Russian invasion of Ukraine
Interesting survey - the Cambridge one - which I hadn't seen mentioned in the various journals I take.